One of the most useful mental disciplines eight years on the Competition Commission taught me was to make assessments (of whether a merger would lead to a significant lessening of competition, in that context) against a specific counterfactual. In other words, compared to what, exactly? Often the answer was the status quo, but it was important to be explicit about that given people’s natural tendency to compare likely outcomes to an ideal world.
Emma Griffin’s fascinating book [amazon_link id=”0300151802″ target=”_blank” ]Liberty’s Dawn: A People’s History of the Industrial Revolution[/amazon_link] is explicit about her counterfactual. She uses her study of 350 19th century autobiographies (some published, some not, mainly by men, almost all born in poverty), supplemented with research in parish registers and other sources to ask: how did the lives of working people in Britain change between the late 18th and late 19th centuries? How did the misery of early industrial cities compare with the way these writers had lived in earlier decades?
The answer challenges the standard account of the impact of the Industrial Revolution on working people. As Griffin notes, there is an unbroken line from Friedrich Engels’ [amazon_link id=”0199555885″ target=”_blank” ]The Condition of the Working Class in England[/amazon_link] through Toynbee and the Webbs to E.P.Thompson’s [amazon_link id=”0140136037″ target=”_blank” ]The Making of the English Working Class[/amazon_link] painting the economic changes as an entirely immiserizing process. “Thompson produced an extraordinarily powerful restatement of the dark and bleak interpretation,” she writes. “The only difficulty is that the autobiographies, those rare and unique records in which the labouring poor retold their stories, refuse to co-operate.”
Their lives were complex and difficult, she notes. There are no standard narratives. They do not pretend their work to have been easy or enjoyable – on the contrary. “Yet repeatedly our writers tell is that work in cottage industries, factories, mines, warehouses, large cities and construction was better than the labour that had consumed their fathers’ energies, and often their own early labour as well.” The main message of the book’s exploration of the source material is the increase in opportunity brought by urbanisation and industrialisation. The first batch of chapters describe the various experiences of the autobiographers, the second set explore themes such as marriage and sex, and education.
The education chapter emphasises the most the steady expansion of opportunity. At the start of the 19th century the only access any poor children had to education was in local dame schools, informal, paid for on occasional days when there was little farm work to be done, although for some of the individuals a powerful autodidactic drive was evident, and some were assisted by better off neighbours or employers who provided books or paper and pen. As the century progressed, education was gradually institutionalised and extended – Sunday schools, Mechanics’ Institutes, circulating libraries with cheaper subscriptions, and so on. This is the territory explored in Jonathan Rose’s wonderful book, [amazon_link id=”0300098081″ target=”_blank” ]The Intellectual Life of the British Working Classes[/amazon_link], but here told in terms of the impact on the lives of the autobiographers. Interestingly, a number gained status and confidence themselves through teaching – for example, as Sunday School teachers, in these voluntary schools. Griffin writes: “In working class eyes, the position of Sunday School teacher carried status.” This was still true in my childhood in the 1960s and 70s, in a Northern, largely non-conformist, mill town.
[amazon_link id=”0300151802″ target=”_blank” ]Liberty’s Dawn[/amazon_link] does a real service in reviving the voices of working class people who lived the Industrial Revolution. I’m sure it won’t overturn the traditional dismal account of misery – one can point out for example that people who succeeded to the point of being able to commit a memoir to paper were probably exceptional. But it’s a terrifically interesting read. My one quibble is that the author has a number of academic tics in her writing style, and it could have been an even more approachable book – but that’s to compare it to the wrong counterfactual.
[amazon_image id=”0300151802″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Liberty’s Dawn: A People’s History of the Industrial Revolution[/amazon_image]
Many thanks for this, notably the Emma Griffin link. This is a territory I have explored and have concluded that it was all a great deal more complex and variable than the conventional histories of one sort or another. One feature is the “escalators” where while many were going up there were many also going down. Another is how they spent their time and money. One aspect pretty much air brushed out of it is the Temperance Movement as well as other things. As for the military, having looked at a lot of muster rolls etc. it is quite clear that during the Napoleonic Wars the make up and recruitment of the Army and Navy paralleled that of WW1 and WW2 in many respects, notably the proportion of the populations in the relevant age groups engaged in the conflicts.
I too love Jonathan Rose’s book, and will be sure to read Griffin’s new one. Still, I wonder how (if at all) Griffin deals with research on the quantifiable economic impact of the Industrial Revolution, such as Robert L. Nelson’s “The Price of Bread: Poverty, Purchasing Power, and The Victorian Laborer’s Standard of Living”:
http://www.victorianweb.org/history/work/nelson1.html
According to Nelson’s data, the Industrial Revolution initially caused the real wages of British labourers to collapse to a tiny fraction of what they had already reached in the late Middle Ages – some 400 years earlier – and it was not until the Edwardian era that real wages had climbed back to their previous highest level. (This is one possible answer to your “compared to what?” – compared not just to the status quo ante, but to a trend line stretching back several centuries.) The incomes data would certainly give succour to a bleak Thompsonian view.
She touches on the wage data in the intro but doesnt really address it. Her point is, I think, that the various bits of statistical evidence are somewhat inconsistent, and it is worth listening alongside the empirical discussion to what working people had to say for themselves. I don’t know the wage literature at all, so can’t comment or assess this.
Fascinating and thanks for the pointers to further studies. Given the huge importance of the industrialisation of Northern England and the civilization that was built on it, both for its national and global impact, I am struck by how thin the literature is. With a few exceptions such as Jonathan Rose’s or Patrick Joyce’s Work, Society and Politics which shed light on particular aspects of the story there are very few serious studies available, especially for the later period (c 1880-c 1960). The Engels-Thompson perspective is indeed dominant in the existing literature, treating the subject as dark episode in our history and focusing heavily on its costs and its opponents. Where does the general reader go for a comprehensive and balanced history of industrial Northern England from C18-C20? I would be delighted if anyone has any suggestions.
Very good question, which I’ll ask on Twitter…