Not all economists are neoliberal, honest

It was because of a tweet linking to her LSE lectures that I decided to read Wendy Brown’s [amazon_link id=”1935408534″ target=”_blank” ]Undoing the Demos: Neoliberalism’s Stealth Revolution[/amazon_link]. My relationship with the concept of neoliberalism is an uneasy one, in that I don’t really know what it means. Often, radical writers use it to mean ‘most of economics’ – Philip Mirowski’s Never Let A Serious Crisis Go to Waste is a good example of this –  making an exception only for certain Marxist or otherwise unimpeachably heterodox economists. I understand the idea well enough to know [amazon_link id=”178360610X” target=”_blank” ]Yanis Varoufakis[/amazon_link] is not neoliberal. However, writing off all the rest of economics makes it an unhelpful concept in my book. Of course there are ideologically right wing economists but there is a wide range of views about both politics and economics within the profession.

[amazon_image id=”1935408534″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Undoing the Demos: Neoliberalism’s Stealth Revolution (Zone Books Ner Futures)[/amazon_image]

I thought Brown’s book was going to be subtler. Here is her definition: “neoliberalism is not about the state leaving the economy alone. Rather, neoliberalism activates the state on behalf of the economy, not to undertake economic functions or intervene in economic effects, but rather to facilitate economic competition and growth, and to economize the social, or as Foucault puts it, to ‘regulate society by the market’.” She adds that neoliberalism entails “the dramatic curtailment of public values, public goods and popular participation in political life.” This definition makes sense to me – and makes neoliberalism a political ideology, one that uses its claim about the primacy of markets to extend a certain political order into more and more areas of life. It is similar to Michael Sandel’s argument in [amazon_link id=”0241954487″ target=”_blank” ]What Money Can’t Buy[/amazon_link].

However, Brown goes on to list all the neoliberal economists who include Milton Friedman, Friedrich Hayek, Gary Becker – but also Joseph Stiglitz. Wait – Joe Stiglitz in the same camp as Becker?! Barack Obama also gets labelled as neoliberal, along with Reagan and Bush. So this is back to vacuous.

It’s a shame because the argument that the primacy of the market has been extended into inappropriate domains needs to be taken seriously. People regard ticket scalping as unfair – this includes many economists – so those of us who do economics have to respect the fact that some values other than economic efficiency might have to win out. Freedom, civic cohesion, fairness are all important values. Where it is appropriate to prioritise efficiency, or to use market processes to achieve either efficiency or other outcomes, should always be a matter of public and political debate. Most of the economists I hang out with – applied micro people – think it will depend on both people’s political choices and on the exact circumstances: the US trade in SO2 emissions works well, the EU market in carbon emissions does not; [amazon_link id=”B00ODG9VUM” target=”_blank” ]Alvin Roth[/amazon_link]’s matching markets for kidneys or medical jobs are magical (and no money changes hands). My kind of economists tend to be pragmatists, unlike those in politics who argue the market is always best.

There are some real dilemmas. Later in the book, Brown gives short shrift to the idea that ‘governance’ is ever more important than politics, and argues that independent, technocratic bodies such as central banks should not take decisions with political consequences – and no doubt the many critics of the ECB and the right-wing critics of the Fed would warmly agree. It does not seem so obvious to me. Central banks take ‘better’ decisions when they are independent in the specific sense that growth is less volatile and inflation lower. Yet of course they need legitimacy – answering to parliament, fulfilling a remit set by the government. And the Greek crisis has indeed demonstrated that central banking is political at times of great stress. Perhaps Brown is right but I don’t think she argues the case well, when there are areas of policy in which expert advice or decisions made by technocrats delivers good outcomes. Surely this is debatable.

Anyway, [amazon_link id=”B00YDJ33RG” target=”_blank” ]Undoing the Demos[/amazon_link] is an interesting book even though I ended up disagreeing with much of it. I will say that whenever anybody next tells me economics is an abstract, wholly theoretical subject, I will make them read this. But it still helped me understand Michel Foucault’s almost totally incomprehensible [amazon_link id=”1403986541″ target=”_blank” ]The Birth of in Biopolitics[/amazon_link], which I read recently. And I do think it’s important to push back against the political stance that disguises ideological projects with the claim that market are always right.

Inventors and manufacturers, and their economics (Version 1.0)

Courtesy of Anton Howes (his economic history blog is here) and Marc Andreessen, here are other works of political economy written by 19th century people who could and did make things. There is obviously a rich vein of literature to revisit here. This post is now updated with better links, also courtesy of Anton.

Here is his list, with his comments and a few notes from me.

“The one that immediately sprang to mind was the chemist Andrew Ure (1778-1857) and his [amazon_link id=”5519176558″ target=”_blank” ]The Philosophy of Manufactures[/amazon_link] (1835). (Free online copy.) I believe he had other works on political economy too.

[amazon_image id=”5519176558″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]The Philosophy of Manufactures[/amazon_image]

My note: Here’s another, [amazon_link id=”1231159510″ target=”_blank” ]The Cotton Manufacture of Great Britain[/amazon_link]:

[amazon_image id=”1231159510″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]The cotton manufacture of Great Britain systematically investigated Volume 1; with an introductory view of its comparative state in foreign countries[/amazon_image]

And a free online copy.

[amazon_link id=”1170437060″ target=”_blank” ]James Anderson[/amazon_link] (1739-1808) had quite a few writings on political economy, apparently anticipating Ricardo. Here is Observations on the means of exciting national industry. My note:  this article says he critiqued Adam Smith.

John Marshall (1765-1845), the flax spinning pioneer, wrote a book called The Economy of Social Life in 1825. I’m not sure if it’s on political economy, but he certainly lectured on the topic later on in life.

[amazon_link id=”1171962851″ target=”_blank” ]John Sinclair[/amazon_link] (1754-1835), the agricultural pioneer and writer, had quite a few works touching on political economy and the national finances. He was apparently a notorious bore offering unsolicited advice on the latter topic in particular. Here is his History of the Public Revenue of the British Empire.  [amazon_link id=”1438505582″ target=”_blank” ]Arthur Young [/amazon_link](1741-1820) may have similar works, but was a little more focused on just agriculture.

[amazon_image id=”1170437060″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Account of the origin of the Board of Agriculture, and its progress for three years after its establishment. By the president.[/amazon_image]  [amazon_image id=”B00A1V6SOA” link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]An Account of the Systems of Husbandry Adopted in the More Improved Districts of Scotland: With Some Observations On the Improvements of Which They … Agriculture with a View of Explaining How F[/amazon_image]

[amazon_link id=”1152894218″ target=”_blank” ]Andrew Yarranton[/amazon_link] (1619-1684), the metallurgist and civil engineer, has quite an interesting work called “England’s Improvement by Land and Sea: how to Beat the Dutch without Fighting” (2 vols., 1677–81). Quite interesting, particularly for the time. Here is the free online copy.

[amazon_image id=”1152894218″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]England’s Improvement by Sea and Land[/amazon_image]

John Chapman (1801-1854), the inventor of the cab, had quite a few well-known (at the time) works on the political economy of India. May well be considered one of the earlier development economists! Here’s The Cotton and Commerce of India.

The actuarial and navigational pioneer Francis Baily (1774-1844) had quite a few works on political economy. One that sticks out as sounding quite interesting is called “The Rights of the Stock Brokers Defended Against the Attacks of the City of London” (1806)

Another actuarial pioneer, Robert Wallace (1697-1771), was also very prolific writing about demography and political economy. One that sounds quite intriguing is called [amazon_link id=”1142321886″ target=”_blank” ]Dissertation on the Numbers of Mankind[/amazon_link] (1753). Here’s the free online version.

[amazon_image id=”1140998420″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]A dissertation on the numbers of mankind in antient and modern times: in which the superior populousness of antiquity is maintained. With an appendix, … on Mr. Hume’s Political discourse, …[/amazon_image]

A lot of people also tend to overlook [amazon_link id=”1170181791″ target=”_blank” ]Richard Price[/amazon_link]’s (1723-1791) contributions to economics. They’ve been largely overshadowed by his radical political and theological works. But it was he who originally proposed and then advised on the National Debt sinking fund, as well being the person to promote Bayes’ work on statistics and probabilities. Here is Observations on the Debt.

[amazon_image id=”1170181791″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]An appeal to the public, on the subject of the national debt. The second edition. With an appendix, … By Richard Price, D.D. F.R.S.[/amazon_image]

[amazon_image id=”B00FDVBZHI” link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Observations on Reversionary Payments: On Schemes for Providing Annuities for Widows, and for Persons in Old Age; On the Method of Calculating the Values of Assurances on Lives; And on the National Debt. Also, … a PostScript on the Population of the Kin (Paperback) – Common[/amazon_image]

You may also be interested in the works of William Cobbett (1763-1835). [Me: best known name on this list.] He’s on my list as an agricultural pioneer, but he’s better known as a political radical and for compiling what would later be better known as Hansard. In 1815 he wrote something called [amazon_link id=”1172783411″ target=”_blank” ]Paper against Gold[/amazon_link], (available here too) but there are many other works on economics and political economy.”

[amazon_image id=”1172783411″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Cobbett’s Paper against gold: containing the history and mystery of the Bank of England, the funds, the debt, the sinking fund, the bank stoppage, the … shewing, that taxation, pauperism, poverty,[/amazon_image]

Many thanks to Anton for those. And from Marc via Twitter (@pmarca), this one by David Wells, Recent Economic Changes and Their Effect on the Production and Distribution of Wealth and the Well-Being of Society.

Hope amid the gloom?

Anybody in the UK who is feeling gloomy about the General Election result could deepen their gloom by reading the new edition of Danny Dorling’s [amazon_link id=”1447320751″ target=”_blank” ]Injustice: why social inequality still persists[/amazon_link]. The book has quite an upbeat conclusion: “Slowly, collectively, with one step back for every two taken forward, we inch onwards to progress; we gradually undo the mistakes of the past, and recognise new forms of injustice arising out of what we once thought were solutions. … Everything it takes to defeat injustice lies in the mind. What matters most is how we think. And how we think is metamorphosing because – everywhere – there are signs of hope.”

[amazon_image id=”1447320751″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Injustice: Why Social Inequality Still Persists[/amazon_image]

Clearly this new and greatly revised edition of the book was written before the election. What’s more, everything that is new in it ought to make a campaigner for social justice even gloomier. The indicators collected in the book have at best improved only a little since the financial crisis – household indebtedness, income inequality, for instance. Perhaps even more noteworthy is the apparent absence of any change in the zeitgeist, or public philosophy. When the first edition was published in 2010, many commentators thought the scale of the crisis would lead to a significant swing in public opinion away from Big Finance, markets and greed. With the exception of popular disapproval of unseemly bonuses in the socially destructive banking industry, that doesn’t seem to have happened.

Or has it? Dorling presents some evidence – Janet Yellen calling extreme inequality ‘un-American’, international efforts to collect unpaid taxes from rich globocrats, popular dislike of elites. It’s not much, perhaps. One could add a few more examples, like today’s call from the OECD for tech companies to stop their “aggressive tax planning”. Is this enough to justify a belief that the social and economic order will change. Dorling writes, optimistically in the circumstances: “No-one can truly know what will be sufficient to change deeply held and institutionally transmitted beliefs.”

In a terrific book, [amazon_link id=”0691151571″ target=”_blank” ]Masters of the Universe[/amazon_link], Daniel Stedman Jones described the long process of organising, campaigning, debating by many people that paved the way for the triumph of the individualist ‘free market’ philosophy from 1980 and is still our official public philosophy. Who knows how long it will take how many people who dislike this to pave the way for an alternative – but when a system change of this kind happens, it happens relatively quickly (over a decade at most) and is then dramatic.

[amazon_image id=”0691151571″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Masters of the Universe: Hayek, Friedman, and the Birth of Neoliberal Politics[/amazon_image]

[amazon_link id=”1447320751″ target=”_blank” ]Injustice[/amazon_link] replaces Beveridge’s original Five Giants with new ones: elitism, social exclusion, prejudice, greed and despair. The book links these in a vicious circle of social and economic inequality – exactly why single policy measures are drops in the ocean and a broader change is needed, Dorling argues, collecting all the evidence one could need to conclude this. I wouldn’t want to predict whether we’ll get it or not; that will depend on what we all do, and think, next.

Debt, no brainers and no-nos

Yesterday I attended the launch of a new CEPR (free) e-book, A New Start for the Eurozone: Dealing with Debt. Written by some of Europe’s most distinguished macroeconomists, it notes that a return to sustainability requires a reduction in the legacy debt burden. It proposes using the seigniorage revenues from the Euro to finance a one-time debt buyback for the most indebted Eurozone countries, reducing their debt-GDP ratios to a sustainable level. This would be combined with a stronger regulatory structure to prevent future debt build-ups (and mitigate the unavoidable moral hazard involved in the first step), and the creation of a safe asset, a synthetic European bond.

A New Start for the EurozoneThis is very far from my area of expertise, so it sounds a promising package of measures but I’m not in a good position to evaluate its details. Among the audience at the launch, the questions centred almost entirely on political economy questions: how could European governments be persuaded to do anything now the markets are calm? how would the new measures sit within the existing institutional framework? could northern Europe (Germany) be persuaded to allow the seigniorage revenues to be used in this way?

In short, an economic no-brainer – that the debt legacy has to be tackled – is a political no-no. The fact that the economic hurdles are huge but the barriers to reform are political was brought home by Gillian Tett’s Financial Times column this morning. She writes: “On the eastern side of the Atlantic, policy makers are now at pains to suggest that a Greek default, or even a eurozone exit, would not be disastrous; at last week’s International Monetary Fund meetings German officials argued that the chance of a Greek exit had already been priced into the markets, and that shocks could be contained.”

She argues – and I agree – that the Eurozone could yet go very pear shaped, and the dangers of renewed systemic financial crisis are non-zero. At least if the pessimistic view is correct, the political economy of reform along the CEPR or other lines will become more favourable.

Moral cultures of capitalism

Smitten over the past week by a winter bug that has kept me tucked up on the sofa like a delicate Victorian lady, I’ve been reading Tony Judt’s [amazon_link id=”0434023086″ target=”_blank” ]When the Facts Change[/amazon_link]. This posthumously published collection of essays he wrote over 25 years has been edited by his wife Jennifer Homans, author herself of the terrific ballet history, [amazon_link id=”1862079501″ target=”_blank” ]Apollo’s Angels[/amazon_link]. I’ve long been a Judt admirer and this collection – only a few of which I’d read before – lives up to expectations. (And anyway, essays are about the right length for a convalescent.) An untimely and unimaginable death anyway (he suffered from Lou Gehrig’s Disease), the current state of Europe particularly makes one wish such a thoughtful historian of the continent were still alive to comment on Greece and the EU, on the long term effects of the financial crisis on the European ‘project’, on Russia and Ukraine.

[amazon_image id=”0434023086″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]When the Facts Change: Essays 1995 – 2010[/amazon_image]

Judt’s perspective was political rather than economic but his observations on the economy are always interesting. I liked this observation about globalization triumphalism, written in 2002:

It is a cardinal tenet of the prophets of globalization that the logic of economic efficiency must sweep all before it (a characteristics 19th century fallacy they share with Marxists). But that was how it seemed at the peak of the last great era of globalization, on the eve of World War I, when many observers likewise foresaw the decline of the nation-state and a coming age of international economic integration.

” What happened, of course, was something rather different.

He continued:

“The contingencies of domestic politics trumped the ‘laws’ of international economic behaviour, and they may do so again. Capitalism is indeed global in its reach, but its local forms have always been richly variable and they still are. This is because economic practices shape national institutions and legal norms and are shaped by them in their turn; they are deeply embedded in very different national and moral cultures.”

It has taken the centre of gravity in the economics profession a decade to get to the same perspective, and many economists are naturally prone to economic determinism.